作为政府提供公共物品和服务的收入来源,税收是国家经济和社会稳步发展的重要前提。但由于收税者与纳税者的激励不相容性,导致逃税现象在各种社会体制和形态中均普遍存在,Schneider (2010)估测全球162个国家在1997-2007年期间影子经济规模,发现其占GDP加权平均比重值达17.1%,因此提高税收遵从水平成为各国政府所共同面临的重要问题。
研究者尝试发展了多种形式的税收模型来尽可能完整刻画逃税行为 (如Cagan,1958;Srinivasan,1973;Chen and Chu, 2005等),并从宏观实证维度出发探究引发逃税行为的原因 (如Westat,1980;Yankelovich等,1984)、税收政策可行性 (如Crane and Nourzad, 1992;Fisman and Wei, 2004;Johannsen,2014) 及其经济影响 (如Alm et al., 1993a;Cebula,1997)。然而,由于逃税行为的隐秘性和非法特征,导致难以在微观层面获得完整有效的数据来进一步探究提高税收遵从的政策手段及其影响。近年来,新兴研究通过开展行为实验模拟真实纳税决策环境,并以此展开研究。相较于传统研究方式,实验方法能够很好地克服因采用质量较低的宏观统计数据所带来的潜在内生性和反向因果关系等问题的影响,并能够基于纳税者个体微观层面来深入探究抑制不遵从行为的具体决定因素。此外,在实验环境下观察逃税行为所具有的低成本优势,也使其作为检验和改进税收政策效果的有效工具得到日益广泛的使用。
本文基于解释税收遵从的经典理论模型,梳理现有逃税问题实验研究文献,就影响税收遵从行为的外在动机及内在激励展开阐述,为现有逃税问题研究提供行为经济学维度的补充,也为相关旨在遏制逃税行为的税收政策提供参考。
二、 实验研究的理论模型Allingham and Sandmo (1972)运用Becker (1968)提出的犯罪经济学研究框架开展对税收遵从问题的分析,开创了逃税理论研究的先河。该模型具有如下基本设置:纳税者个体收到固定初始财富I0,并自主上报收入水平D(0≤D≤I0)。个体需对上报的每单位收入支付税金t,未上报部分则不用交税。纳税者之后将面临概率为p的审计,一旦遭遇审计即会被发现逃税行为,此时个体对每单位未上报收入需支付罚款f。
故当个体未被审计时,其最终收入为:
$ {I_N} = {I_0} - tD $ |
而在个体被审计的情况下,其最终收入为:
$ {I_C} = {I_0} - tD - f\left({{I_0} - D} \right) $ |
此时,个体需选择上报收入水平D来最大化自身效用:
$ U\left(I \right) = p * U\left({{I_C}} \right) + \left({1 - p} \right) * U\left({{I_N}} \right) $ |
给定效用函数的凹性以及二阶可导性,通过一阶条件
$ p * U'\left({{I_C}} \right)\left({f - t} \right) - \left({1 - p} \right) * U'\left({{I_N}} \right)t = 0 $ |
求解可得:审计概率和惩罚力度都能提高上报收入水平,而税率的影响取决于个体风险偏好程度以及边际税率的大小 (Yitzhaki,1974)。而之后的理论研究在此基础上进行多维度拓展,如Myles (1995)和Sandmo (2005)等基于条件性审计原则和企业管理;Snow and Warren (2005)和Gergen (2010)等基于税收规则不确定性;Fortin等 (2007)和Soliman等 (2014)等基于社会交互效应;Myles and Naylor (1996)、Kim (2003)和Traxler (2010)等基于税收道德和社会规范等;而另一些基于诸如等级依赖效用理论 (如Quiggin,1981;Chateauneuf等,1994;2005;Arcand和Graziosi,2005)、前景理论 (如Bernasconi and Zanardi, 2004;al-Nowaihi and Dhami, 2007) 等非传统期望效用理论的研究也大大丰富了对税收遵从问题的理论研究基础。那么,基于不同假设或理论所形成的各种理论模型,哪个对现实纳税决策行为更有解释力?所提出的政策改进建议哪个更可行和有效?
本文下面的部分将着重从外在动机和内在激励两个维度,对基于实验方法检验理论和潜在政策工具的税收遵从文献展开综述。其中,外在动机考察税收机制、收入来源等对税收遵从行为收益成本关系的影响;而内在激励则探究因增强或破坏规范准则等所导致的心理效用得失。
三、 外在动机 (一) 基本遏制因素税率、惩罚力度和审计概率作为遏制税收不遵从行为的基本因素,能够减少逃税行为的发生 (如Alm et al., 1992a;c;1993b;1995等;Hsu,2008等)。但一些研究也发现税收遵从行为并未受到上述因素的影响 (如Baldry,1987;Webley et al., 1991等),甚至有研究表明其对税收遵从行为存在负面影响,形成该影响的原因包括纳税者对诸如审计原则及审计引入的时间点等实验情境设置的反应 (如Boylan and Sprinkle, 2001;Alm and McKee, 2006),对逃税机会的错误认知 (认为重新被审计的概率较低) 以及损失修复倾向 (即被审计后个人财富水平的损失需通过采取逃税行为恢复到之前水平)(Kastlunger等,2009) 等。此外,过于严厉的执法机制会降低或消除纳税者的互惠性考量 (Fjeldstad and Semboja, 2001),引发对税收规则的不公平认知,从而破坏纳税者和税务机关的心理交互关系,甚至引发“泄愤效应 (spite effect)”,进而导致不遵从行为泛滥 (如Moser,1995;Cullis et al., 2012)。
(二) 个人奖励机制除上述传统执法机制外,研究表明正面奖励机制可通过增加税收遵从行为的期望收益来提高税收遵从水平。Alm (1992b)最早在实验中检验奖励机制的政策效果,发现奖励实验局中的税收遵从水平显著高于无奖励实验局,而这种提高是通过改变极端决策行为,即提高完全遵从或减少完全不遵从行为的出现频率来实现的。Collins (1992)认为在有奖励和无奖励条件下税收遵从选择的期望价值存在差异,可能会对实验结果构成干扰。为了规避期望价值差异的干扰,Kastlunger et al. (2011)随机将被试分配到一个控制实验局和高、低两个奖励实验局中,为了保持决策期望价值恒定,控制实验局的惩罚力度相对较高,而高奖励水平实验局的惩罚力度低于低奖励水平实验局,实验结果表明总体税收遵从水平并未受到奖励机制的影响,但被试的纳税决策存在差异:在控制实验局中纳税者逃税金额的变动范围更广;因完全遵从而获得奖励的被试相对于完全遵从但没有获得奖励的被试,在后来的实验中的遵从水平更高。还有一些研究发现奖励机制的政策效果并不显著甚至可能具有负向影响 (如Nosenzo et al., 2013;Fochmann and Kroll, 2014等),可能原因在于奖励机制引发的区别对待降低了纳税者的公平认知,对纳税者内在激励产生挤出效应进而降低税收遵从水平 (Feld and Frey, 2007a)。
(三) 收入来源在传统逃税模型中,一个常见的基本假设为纳税者自主上报收入水平。但这个假设与真实世界中的税收申报情境存在一定出入。在现实世界中,许多纳税者通过诸如雇主等第三方渠道上报收入,而这一方式大大降低了逃税几率。对获得不同类型收入的纳税者的研究发现,自雇型纳税者 (self-employed taxpayer) 自主申报真实收入水平的内在激励可能低于薪资型纳税者 (salaried taxpayer)(Alm and Torgler, 2006)。基于此,Alm等 (2009)在被试收入来源分布具有异质性的情况下,考察税率、惩罚力度等执法机制对税收遵从水平的影响,该研究发现缺乏第三方申报机制的自雇型收入,会因收入信息的私密性而更不易受到审查,进而引发纳税者降低税收遵从水平,而执法机制对税收遵从水平影响程度依赖于自雇型和薪资型纳税者收入的相对比例。此外,Kleven等 (2011)在丹麦开展税收实地实验也发现自雇型纳税者的逃税频率比薪资型纳税者高,还发现之前具有被审计经验及邮件告知审计概率都会显著提高自雇型纳税者的税收遵从水平,但对薪资型纳税者的遵从行为未构成影响。
(四) 税收大赦税收大赦 (tax amnesty) 作为政策工具在过去半个世纪被广泛使用,该政策通过提供给逃税者在没有惩罚机制环境下上缴未上报收入机会的同时,提高瞬时税收收入并降低追讨成本 (Alm et al., 1990),但该政策会提醒纳税者意识到逃税行为的普遍存在以及政府既定税收政策执行力的欠缺,并引发不公平认知,进而在大赦后助长逃税行为。多数研究主要采用定性 (如Feld and Frey, 2007b;Marchese,2014) 和基于宏观数据的定量分析 (如López-Laborda and Rodrigo, 2003;Luitel and Sobel, 2007;Mikesell and Ross, 2012) 来评估政策效果和收入影响机制等,而很少通过针对纳税者个体层面的行为实验来探究大赦对税收遵从行为的动态影响。
Alm et al.(1990)发现在大赦前表现出高、低两种遵从水平的纳税者在大赦后仍基本维持原有水平,而中等遵从水平的纳税者则显著提高了逃税行为的频率。但即使纳税者对未来可能发生税收大赦的预期会降低遵从水平,在大赦后加强审计概率和惩罚严厉程度仍可确保所有类型纳税者遵从水平的提高。Torgler and Schaltegger (2005)进一步的实验结果表明,当纳税者获得关于是否在特定轮数后引入税收大赦政策的投票讨论机会时,无论其最终是接受还是拒绝税收大赦政策的执行,其税收遵从水平会在投票之后有所提高,而无预警条件下二次大赦机制的引入对税收遵从行为不构成影响。Rechberger et al (2010)则从公平认知视角考量税收大赦在行为决策过程中扮演的角色,发现当纳税者对税收大赦能惩罚逃税者以及修复被逃税行为所破坏的税收遵从社会规范的认知水平越高时,对税收大赦的公平认知程度也越高,从而提高大赦后的税收遵从水平。
四、 内在激励越来越多的研究发现在审计概率和惩罚力度足够低的情况下仍能观察到较高水平的税收遵从行为 (如Graetz and Wilde, 1985;Alm et al,1995;Elffers,1991;2000等)。为此,许多研究也将重点放在探究内在激励因素对税收遵从行为的影响 (如Spicer and Lundstedt, 1976;Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980;Lewis,1982)。
(一) 税收公平认知Spicer和Becker (1980)发现处于不平等交换关系的纳税者会通过调整自己的纳税额来影响其所感知的不公平程度。之后的研究通常从三个维度探究税收公平认知:交换公平关心的是纳税者纳税额度和政府提供的公共服务水平的关系 (如Trivedi et al,2003;Ahmed and Braithwaite, 2005等);而水平公平 (如Moser et al,1995;Castro and Rizzo, 2014等) 和垂直公平 (如Roberts and Hite, 1994;Kirchler,2007等) 则分别关心的是同等收入和不同收入等级纳税者的纳税额度分布的关系。
在交换公平层面,Alm et al.(1992a)在实验中发现税收遵从之所以发生是因为纳税者基于被提供的公共品来评估所缴纳税金的合理程度,即使在实验环境中不存在审计和惩罚风险,其仍愿意诚实纳税来换取公共品。另一些研究也分别证实了水平和垂直层面的公平认知对税收遵从的影响 (如De Juan et al., 1994;Mittone,2006;Fortin et al., 2007),但大多数研究并没有探讨不同维度公平认知之间的交互效应。Castro and Rizzo (2014)在固定交换公平认知的条件下考察纳税者在面临由税率改变引致的水平、垂直层面公平程度变化的反应。实验前即告知所有被试每场实验由30轮实验构成,且税率结构每10轮改变一次。税收机制在前10轮中水平和垂直层面均保持公平并以此作为基准,在第11-20轮则引入水平层面的不公平而保持垂直层面的公平,最后在第21-30轮则同时引入水平和垂直层面的不公平。实验结果表明:当垂直公平不能被满足的条件下,纳税者的公平考量会影响税收遵从行为:被试处于垂直不公平环境时比在垂直公平环境时更倾向于采取完全逃税,而在水平公平层面并没有发现类似结论。
(二) 规范Kirchler (2007)将影响纳税者的规范归结为个人、社会和国家三个层面。在个人层面,规范决定个体税收遵从决策的内在标准,即个人所感知的税收道德 (tax morale);在社会层面,规范决定一个具有共同标准社会群体的纳税行为,即社会规范 (social norm);而在国家层面,规范则演化为文化标准 (cultural norm)。
作为固有的内在激励,税收道德植根于纳税者对待税收的基本认知和态度之中。研究者们认为其主要通过以下具体途径来影响税收遵从行为:纳税者和税务机关的交互关系;纳税者所持有的税收价值观;因逃税行为引致的罪恶和羞耻感。在实验框架下,Laury and Wallace (2005)及Coricelli et al.(2010)引入公开逃税信息的机制考察并证实了基于情感层面税收道德的影响,但也有研究者发现该类影响可能受到诸如匿名程度等其他方面实验设计机制和其他政策信息机制的交互干扰 (如Fonseca and Myles, 2012;Hasegawa et al., 2012)。Blaufus et al.(2014)发现当逃税信息完全公开时,羞愧效应带来的正面影响并不足以弥补传染效应带来的负向影响。
社会规范主要通过纳税者的决策参与度、公共项目获取的支持度,以及对他人税收行为认知方面的社会信息交互等维度来影响税收遵从行为。Alm et al.(1993c)在实验中发现若纳税者在决策过程中具有话语权且大部分成员赞同拟实行的公共项目时,其倾向于提高税收遵从水平。Traxler (2010)、Alm et al.(2013)、Hashimzade et al.(2013)均发现关于社会其他个体税收遵从行为的社会信息能够提高纳税者的税收遵从水平,但有研究也发现社会信息对税收遵从行为的正面影响微弱甚至不存在 (Fortin et al., 2007;Fellner et al., 2013等)。Lefebvre et al. (2014)进一步的研究表明造成上述差异的可能原因在于:依赖于他人纳税行为所形成的参照点做出决策的纳税者可能会被他人的纳税行为影响,而不同研究选取的参照点常常存在差异。
另有研究者发现政治体系、民主程度、宗教信仰等方面的差异也会导致社会规范和税收道德存在跨文化差异,进而可能导致国家层面税收遵从行为存在显著差异 (Lewis et al., 2009)。一些研究在不同国家采用相同实验设计证实了跨国差异的存在 (如Alm et al., 1995;Cummings et al., 2001)。虽然大部分研究跨文化差异的逃税文献都验证了差异的存在 (Torgler,2003;2004b;2007;Cummings et al., 2009;Kogler et al., 2013等),但也有研究发现不存在跨文化差异。例如,Lefebvre et al.(2014)通过在比利时、法国和荷兰开展税收遵从实验以探究他人税收遵从信息对于个人逃税决策的影响,发现预期的跨文化差异可能因为社会信息的存在而变得并不显著。Oosterbeek et al.(2004)认为跨文化逃税实验结果可能主要代表的是城市之间的差异而并非国家层面;Gërxhani和Schram (2006)则认为逃税实验在不同国家所选取的被试池样本存在差异。
(三) 道德劝告道德劝告 (moral suasion) 则主要通过强化纳税者道德层面考量来增加逃税行为的道德成本。Hallsworth et al.(2014)基于超过20000个英国纳税者样本的研究发现,在向纳税者邮寄强调税收遵从社会规范的信息后,纳税者逾期纳税行为显著降低。Bott et al.(2014),Pruckner and Sausgruber (2013)等也发现道德劝告能有效提升税收遵从水平。然而较早的一些研究者则发现道德劝告不会对税收遵从行为构成显著影响 (McGraw and Scholz, 1991;Torgler,2004a等)。Ariel (2012)在以色列开展实地实验时,甚至发现道德劝告的信息会降低企业的税收遵从行为。
道德劝告对税收遵从行为出现研究结果不一致,笔者认为可能的原因在于道德劝告内容的设计不同,导致研究者试图传递的信息和纳税者的理解方式在各研究之间存在明显差异;此外,随机选择纳税者样本还是选择基于特定道德标准的纳税者样本,也会对研究结果产生直接影响。因此,对不同信息的传递和样本选择应可作为未来扩展研究的可能方向。
五、 结论及未来展望鉴于税收遵从在维系公共财政平衡的重要性,经济学家为提高税收遵从展开了广泛深入的长期研究。不仅产生了深刻的理论思想,也获得了大量的经验证据。特别是最近数十年来以经济学实验方法解释逃税行为及其动机的研究方兴未艾,产生了丰富的研究成果:在外在动机方面,旨在提高逃税成本和税收遵从收益的税率、惩罚力度和审计概率的执法机制和对完全遵从纳税者实施正面奖励的机制降低不遵从行为的发生,而推行第三方纳税审计机制以及在税收大赦后显著提高执法力度的政策则是通过提高税收信息透明度和再次逃税成本以达成上述目标。在内在激励方面,提高纳税者对税收规则在交换、水平和垂直维度的公平认知和在个人道德、社会和文化维度的规范认知水平,以及实施道德劝告政策等手段来增强纳税者心理效用进而提高税收遵从水平。
对于税收遵从问题的已有实验研究唤起了更为广阔的研究前景,亟待未来开展更深入的研究。例如,逃税类型和环境设置的多样性以及不同的研究焦点导致不同研究间缺乏一致结论,应在比较研究的基础上尝试建立更为统一并更能契合现实情境的逃税模型及实验范式。此外,现有逃税实验研究大多基于个体纳税者视角,很少从同样作为纳税主体之一的企业组织视角开展相关实验研究,仅有的一些研究大多仍停留在理论模拟层面,这值得未来研究深化探究。最后,关于政策适用性方面的实验研究仍然较为匮乏,未来应基于改进的逃税实验框架并招募真实的纳税者来进一步开展田野实验,据此提供具有更高可信度和适用性的政策建议。
致谢 作者感谢国家自然科学基金 (项目号:71303022)、教育部人文社会科学研究基金 (项目号:13YJC790039)、中央高校基本科研业务费专项资金对本研究的资助。作者文责自负。
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